Real Life Issues Instruction for Asian-American Students

Annann Hong, Ph.D., M.P.H.

Strengths and challenges of Asian-American students

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, Asian-Americans are the fastest growing minority group in the United States.  In 1965, there were only 1 million Asian-Americans; by 1990, they numbered 6.9 million, or 2.8% of the total population.  According to the 2000 U.S. Census, 11.9 million, or 4.2% of the U.S. population, reported being Asian, representing a 72 percent increase from 1990*.  In comparison, the total U.S. population grew by only 13 percent during that same decade.  The Census Bureau projects that the Asian-American population will grow to 37.6 million people by the year 2050, comprising 9.3 percent of the population.

Like most group designations, students who are of Asian descent comprise a diverse and heterogeneous cluster of individuals, consisting of at least 30 ethnic groups and communicating with over 100 languages and dialects.  Aside from the many countries and cultures from which Asian students might descend, Asian-American students also display a wide range of academic abilities and achievement, despite the popularly touted “model minority” stereotype commonly ascribed to this group. .  In general, because of the perception of Asian-Americans as a model-minority, individuals of Asian descent often are viewed as immune to the issues faced by their African-American and Hispanic counterparts.  In reality, like other minority groups, Asian-Americans are confronted with a multitude of race-related life issues that compromise their well being and the availability of services.

Asian-Americans currently in the U.S. are diverse from a generational and immigration perspective.  It is often possible to gauge the likely level of acculturation based on an individual’s “generation” of immigration status. For example, individuals that immigrate to the U.S. are considered “first generation” Asian-American.  Often, if children accompany those individuals, they might be considered “one and a half generation” due their likelihood to retain some amount of their initial culture, language, etc., yet also be more flexible in adapting to the newer culture.  Individuals who are born in the U.S. to parents who are “first generation” are then considered “second generation,” and so on. Higher generation Asian-Americans are much more likely to resemble their non-Asian counterparts in terms of values, diet, health status, etc.  However, the trend in the U.S. is towards increasing numbers of immigrants; about two-thirds of Asians who currently reside here are foreign-born and speak a language other than English at home. 

It is important to understand the historical significance behind the waves of immigration.  Between about 1940 and 1980, most of the individuals who came to the U.S. were considered “cream of the crop” scientists, researchers, professors, etc. These typically higher socioeconomic and well-educated individuals legally entered the U.S. to further their education, attain political freedom, and seek better employment opportunities.   A self-selected group, these immigrants were welcomed to the U.S. with open arms.  The vast majority of these individuals were from Japan, Taiwan, China, and Korea.  These individuals and their families received high media attention because, despite their minority status, they had experienced success economically and produced offspring with laudable academic achievements.  The term “model minority” was first coined by sociologist William Peterson in a 1966 New York Times Magazine essay on “Success Story:  Japanese American Style.”  A second article came out later that year in U.S. News and World Report on “Success Story of One Minority Group in the U.S.” highlighting the experience of Chinese-Americans and their industrious, hard-working, and uncomplaining ways (Chun, 1980).  Subsequent stories have been published in popular magazines and newspapers such as Time, Newsweek, The New Republic, Fortune, Parade, and The Washington Post (Chin, 2001; Chun, 1980), furthering the persistence of the Asian “model minority” perception.  However, since 1980, the immigration pattern has shifted dramatically.  Southeast Asians, largely from Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, and Thailand, immigrate illegally and therefore are disenfranchised, both politically and economically.  They form the ranks of the invisibly oppressed, facing life issues of high unemployment, poverty, gangs, homicide, violence, substance abuse, and HIV/AIDS.

Because data about Asian-Americans is either missing or lumped together, many erroneous conclusions are drawn, particularly about the overall socioeconomic and health status of this minority population.  While aggregate data about Asian-Americans indicates higher education attainment and income than other minority populations and sometimes even their white counterparts, this typical aggregate data representation masks the bipolar distribution that reveals that there are, in fact, extremes on both ends of the continuum.  In other words, while the prevailing thought is that Asian-Americans are well-off, there are also more Asian-Americans living in poverty (often with a greater number of family members in the home) and with less education than their white counterparts (Yoon & Chien, 1996).  This reality has very salient consequences for life issues and health status.

There are many cultural similarities across the Asian-American groups that can be sources of strength and pose challenges.  The emphasis on family and community, as well as the importance of harmony and order, can be important values that foster resilience and respect.  While sexual taboos can limit sexual activity, a lack of venue for communicating about sexuality can also lead to a naiveté that increases risk-taking.  There is also a gender double-standard that dictates particular subservience of females in Asian cultures. 

Contrary to popular belief, Asian-Americans very much experience racism in America.  They are often lost in the “black and white” dichotomy that dominates racial issues in the U.S.  There is often resentment by both Caucasians and minority groups towards Asian-Americans because of their perceived “success” as minorities.  Asian-Americans are also confronted with stereotypes, prejudice, ridicule, ostracism, and violence as a result of their race.  Their physical differences cannot be hidden, and their cultural traditions and customs are often viewed as strange and exotic.  Media portrayals of Asians – particularly of men – are seldom favorable.  There is also a perception that Asians in business are sneaky, conniving, and untrustworthy – always looking for a way to “cheat” their customers.

Vulnerability to real life issues

Because Asian-American students are often viewed as well-behaved, polite, and quiet, these perceptions are also associated with a sense that they do not struggle with the five real life issues in a pressing manner.  This outlook is typically the result of the “model minority” beliefs that continue to prevail, which might influence a teacher to overlook the possibility that an Asian-American student might need assistance.

Because of the predominant role of women as subservient to men, violence within the Asian-American community is an issue of concern because battery and assaults are less likely to be reported and Asian men are less likely than their non-Asian males to perceive their aggression as wrong (Mills & Granoff, 1992).  The businesses of prostitution and wife-selling are thriving in the Asian underworld, both here in the U.S. and throughout Asia.  In addition to the verbal harassment, hate crimes, and other physical assaults that might be endured by Asian-American youth as a result of racism and prejudice, Asian-American youth also experience violence within their own community.  A growing number of Asian gangs who traffic in drugs and weapons or run prostitution rings are developing in large metropolitan areas such as Houston, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and New York, as well as in some of the smaller cities.  These gangs face the same risks of violent death that Hispanic or African-American gangs confront.

Asian-American students can also be at risk for bullying and social ostracism for several reasons.  For one, first-generation students may have particular difficulty being accepted into peer groups because of their differences.  If their families place a priority on academic performance and studying at the cost of socializing with peers young Asian-Americans may lack opportunities to develop the same kinds of social skills as their peers.  They might feel and act awkwardly in social situations.  If they perform well in school, they might be perceived as “nerdy” or “brainy” by their peers.  Stress is often a salient mental health concern among achieving Asian-Americans because of the intense pressure they may experience from their families to do well in school.  Adding a tense school environment to this equation, where they are subjected to teasing or ostracism by peers, only exacerbates an already tenuous situation.  Often, Asian-Americans are less likely to seek intervention or assistance regarding a problem with their peers because they are raised to maintain a more stoic and harmonious relationship with others and do not wish to cause what might be perceived as “trouble.”  Overall, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) reports higher rates of proportional mortality and years of potential life lost (YPLL) due to suicide among Asian-American youth between the ages of 15 and 24 as compared to the national average, particularly among Chinese- and Japanese-Americans, and these rates are on the rise. 

While not enough is known about Asian-American alcohol consumption particularly across the various ethnic groups, it does appear that Asian-Americans generally consume less alcohol and exhibit alcohol dependency at lower rates than the general population, although rates may be on the rise as they become more assimilated into the mainstream culture.  At present, they experience lower rates of mortality than other ethnic groups for most alcohol-related causes of death, such as cirrhosis and motor vehicle crashes.  Asians are often more susceptible to the intoxicating effects of alcohol because they are likely to possess less of an enzyme, alcohol dehydrogenase, which helps to metabolize or break down the alcohol in the body.  The result is often referred to as the “flushing response,” and is accompanied by facial flushing tachycardia (excessively rapid heard beat), headaches, dizziness, nausea, vomiting, and other symptoms. This response, if it occurs in an individual, may in fact serve as a protective factor by limiting alcohol intake.

With regard to tobacco use, Southeast Asian-American men have one of the highest rates of cigarette smoking compared to other ethnic groups.  Their lung cancer rate is correspondingly 18 times higher than whites, and liver cancer is 12 times higher among Southeast Asians than among whites.

Statistics for Asian-Americans with HIV/AIDS were not kept as a separate sub-group until 1989.  While Asian-Americans comprise 4.2% of the U.S. population, they have been and currently represent only about 1% of the HIV/AIDS cases.  In 2003, Asian-Americans were reported to have the lowest case rate (4.0 per 100,000) when compared to other ethnic groups and had even dropped from the previous year at 4.9 per 100,000 (CDC, 2003).  The highest rate was that for African Americans (58.2 cases per 100,000 people), followed by the rates for Hispanics (20/100,000), American Indians and Alaska Natives (8.1/100,000), and whites (6.1/100,000).   However, there are currently no national statistics available by Asian ethnic subgroups, and widespread underreporting is a problem.  Immigrants may leave the country, and many Asians simply may not seek medical care because of strict naturalization laws and possible deportation.  Also, many Asian will hide AIDS until later stages in order not to shame the family or anger ancestral spirits.  An estimated 50% of Asians with AIDS are first generation, which is problematic given the high rates of tuberculosis that infect this population.

Resources for prevention, research, training, and education for Asian communities are typically scarce in the arena of sexual health.  What little research there is in this area demonstrates that knowledge among Asian-American adolescents is less than their non-Asian counterparts.  For Asian youth, there is minimal personalization of the HIV threat; many don’t know people with HIV.  Most alarmingly, many falsely believe that if members of the Asian community adhere to traditional cultural norms and don’t have sex or marry outside of the community, they won’t be at risk.  AIDS is not regarded as a threat to the Asian community, creating a false sense of security.  The same level of naiveté and risk exists for other sexually transmitted diseases.

Principles for design and implementation of real life issues curriculum infusion

Several principles for instruction guide the implementation of research-based prevention strategies directed towards students of Asian-American descent. Remember that many of these principles may vary depending on the individual’s generation, their particular ethnic background, and their family’s socioeconomic situation. These principles are generalizations and should not replace the logic of understanding and treating individuals as they are, although these are principles that may be particularly salient for early generation Asian-Americans who are less likely to be as assimilated as later generation Asian-Americans.

• Early generation Asian-Americans are more likely to have had a sheltered upbringing and limited opportunities for open discussion with family about a variety of real life and health issues. While they may appear to support very pro-social norms because of the values ingrained in them by parents, developmentally they may not have had the opportunity to fully explore and achieve their own identity formation and engage in personal values exploration. Therefore, when suddenly exposed to more liberal American mores, their ability to navigate new social situations is particularly limited. Their social skills and perceptions of personal risk may be skewed. There is a particular need to ensure a level of sufficient knowledge and awareness about real life issues and personal health because Asian-Americans may assume that such learning is not relevant to them.
  
  
• Early generation Asian-Americans may have an exaggerated perception of liberal behaviors associated with the American culture due to limited exposure through media portrayals, for example. As a result, misperceptions of these norms will need to be addressed and corrected.
  
  
• Recognize that the literature and research on real life issues and the health status of Asian-Americans is limited. In particular, there are likely many intra-group differences among the various ethnicities that are currently masked by the aggregation of data collection across all Asian-American ethnicities. Both recently immigrated and well-assimilated Asian-Americans will confront a variety of issues and risks, the latter group often appearing more similar to their non-Asian American counterparts. In particular, because of differences in socioeconomic status, it is important to recognize the risks that might be posed by those differences. Southeast Asians tend to be comprised of those who have more recently immigrated and will confront different issues than students of other Asian ethnicities.
  
  
• While Asian-American students may appear docile, cooperative, and well-adjusted, it is important to delve further and explore whether there is any possible undercurrent of stress or other compromising factor in the student’s life. It is important not to assume that silence or not being vocal is the equivalent of not needing help. Help-seeking behavior is usually a difficult thing for an Asian-American because it is taught as the equivalent of “losing face” or as a sign of weakness. He or she is often taught not to “air their dirty laundry” in front of others. Therefore, counseling is not usually an easily palatable option. Be prepared with “Asian-friendly” resources that are likely to understand and be sensitive to this struggle; normalize the ideas of prevention and seeking help.
  
  
• Many Asian-Americans have very good command of the English language, especially since many are born in the U.S., so it is important not to assume that they will speak with an accent. However, language barriers may exist particularly for early generation Asian-Americans where English is not the primary language spoken at home. Be prepared to find adequate ways to communicate about potentially sensitive issues that may not translate easily across languages. Speaking poor English or heavily accented English makes some Asian-Americans difficult to understand by teachers and peers, creating a potentially frustrating situation or one that is ridiculed by peers. Have a plan in place to assist both parties to mitigate frustration and prevent ridicule.
  
  
• Asian-Americans may be anxious about speaking up in class, particularly early generation Asian-Americans, either because of language issues or because they are raised to be more quiet and reserved. Simultaneously, they may have names that are more difficult to pronounce and teachers may be inclined not to call on them lest they stumble over the name. Do the best you can; try practicing names, as it can be an acquired skill to improve pronunciation skills. Being able to demonstrate a willingness to try and pronounce a name may make a student feel more comfortable in your interest in them as an individual.
  
  
• While many Asian-Americans may appear to fulfill the model minority role and excel as students, it is important not to make over-arching assumptions about academic ability and socioeconomic status, as more recent immigrants may struggle with both issues. It is also important not to assume that all Asian-Americans will excel at math and play the piano or want to become a doctor or engineer, although many may feel pressured to pursue careers in these fields because of their family.
  
  
• There is traditionally a heavy emphasis on family among Asians; some may even live with a number of their extended family members.  When possible, reach out to parents and family but do not be offended if the family seems disinterested or rejects your attempts to reach out to them.  They may want to be more insular and private.  Some families may, in fact, be the largest stressor for a student, imposing expectations and pressures that can either be advantageous or detrimental to their academic performance.  For example, some students may be required to work many hours in a family business, taking away valuable time they might need to study.
  

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2003).  HIV/AIDS Surveillance Report 2003.  Retrieved August 11, 2005, from http://www.cdc.gov/hiv/stats/hasrlink.htm

Chin, A. (2001).  A Brief History of the ‘Model Minority’ Stereotype.  Retrieved August 11, 2005, from http://modelminority.com/printout72.html

Chun, K. (1980).  The Myth of Asian American Success and Its Educational Ramifications.  IRCD Bulletin.  15(1,2), 1-9.

Mills, C.S. & Granoff, B.J.  (1992).  “Date and Acquaintance Rape Among a Sample of College Students.” Journal of Social Work, 37(6), 504-509.

Yoon, E. & Chen, F.T. (1996).  “Asian American and Pacific Islander Health:  A Paradigm for Minority Health.”  Journal of the American Medical Association, 275, 736-737.

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (1990).  Healthy People 2000:  National Health Promotion and Disease Prevention Objectives (DHHS Publication No. PHS 91-50212).  Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

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